In the ongoing debate about the relationship of antisemitism to anti-zionism, historical case-studies can serve as useful material. The anti-zionist campaign in Poland, of 1967-1968, offers the ability to examine the relationship in detail. Below are links to some recent contributions on the topic.

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from the essay:

“There are other dictatorships in the world. But only in Iran are the fantasy-worlds of antisemitism and religious mission linked with technological megalomania and the physics of mass destruction.

“The specific danger presented by the Iranian nuclear option stems from the unique ideological atmosphere surrounding it – a mixture of Holocaust denial and weapons-grade uranium, of death-wish and missile research, of Shiite messianism and plutonium.

“We are dealing here with a phantasmagoric parallel universe in which the reality principle is constantly ignored: a universe from which the laws of reason have been excluded and all mental energy is harnessed for the cause of antisemitism.”

read the essay here

After my latest experience with antisemitism on the New York City Indymedia website — in which the first reply to an article I posted about the firebombing of the home of a member of the Jewish Agency on Brown University, was something like “so what?”, and the ones that followed were explicitly justifying the attack — I’ve decided to finally pen my very first blog entry here.

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Workshop: Nationalism and Communism
Eastern European History and Eastern European Studies,
University of Amsterdam, 25 April 2008

After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 nationalism suddenly resurfaced in Eastern Europe, or so the common wisdom goes. This implies communism and nationalism have little to do with each other. In reality, the communist regimes of Europe all flew the national flag in order to gain popular legitimacy. After 1948, the People’s Republics of Central and Eastern Europe constructed the state ideology of ‘Socialist Patriotism’, a conscious blend of national and socialist imagery. Parties presented themselves as heirs to national traditions, and as guardians of national interests. They appropriated national symbols and heroes, and pursued ‘national’ policies whenever possible.
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Jan Gross’ new book “Fear: Anti-Semitism in Poland After Auschwitz: An Essay in Historical Interpretation” is highly recommended for those who not only want to know more of the empirical facts of anti-Jewish persecution in Poland after the Holocaust, but also those who want to think about the causes of this intense animosity.

The book’s thesis is very provokative, as Gross does not rely on simple “eternal antisemitism” theses. He argues, quite convincingly that the intensity of post-Holocaust antisemitism in Poland, had specifically to do with the Poles’ Holocaust experience itself. I recommend Natan Sznaider’s review, “Chasing Away the Memory of Guilt: The End of Jewish Life in Poland.”

Also, in a very interesting section Gross evaluates “How the Working-Class Reacted to the Kielce Pogrom and What the Communist Party Made of It.” For those thinking about the failures of the Left to oppose antisemitism, this section has a lot to offer, as it exposes the Communist Party’s Real Politik approach to the issue, eventually siding with the Polish working-class against the Jews.

The Yale Initiative for the Interdisciplinary Study of Antisemitism (YIISA) has published the first in its Working Paper Series, edited by the director of YIISA, Charles Small. It is a paper by David Hirsh, editor of Engage and lecturer in sociology at Goldsmiths, University of London.

Abstract

This paper aims to disentangle the difficult relationship between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. On one side, antisemitism appears as a pressing contemporary problem, intimately connected to an intensification of hostility to Israel. Opposing accounts downplay the fact of antisemitism and tend to treat the charge as an instrumental attempt to de-legitimize criticism of Israel. I address the central relationship both conceptually and through a number of empirical case studies which lie in the disputed territory between criticism and demonization. The paper focuses on current debates in the British public sphere and in particular on the campaign to boycott Israeli academia. Sociologically the paper seeks to develop a cosmopolitan framework to confront the methodological nationalism of both Zionism and anti-Zionism. It does not assume that exaggerated hostility to Israel is caused by underlying antisemitism but it explores the possibility that antisemitism may be an effect even of some antiracist forms of anti-Zionism.

Download the paper here.

Listen to David Hirsh discuss his paper here.

A UK group recently published the first issue of Shift, which includes a handful of articles about reactionary or right-wing anti-capitalism. Articles include “German neo-Nazis and anti-capitalism,” by Jan Langehein; “Make a foreshortened critique of capitalism history!” by the Berlin group, Theorie. Organisation. Praxis; and a shortened version of my G8-Summit Protests in Germany: Against Globalisation and its Non-Emancipatory Responses.” (The original version can be read on ZNet.)

From the Editorial of Shift #1:

“The decision to go to Heathrow was wrong!” This was the impulsive thought that was playing on our minds as we followed eight politicians and herds of protesters to Germany; to meet Shift contributors, eat in squats, sleep in tents and on dirty floors, drink 50p-a-bottle beer with ‘the movement’, and of course to “shut them down” – again. Throughout the journey, this impulse became a much reflected upon certainty (avoiding the quick guilty trip by plane allowed us the luxury of 26 hour-a-go bus journeys and plenty of time to think). Yes the aviation industry is a major problem, as the fastest growing source of C02 emissions plans for expansion fly in the face of any commendable efforts to tackle climate change. Heathrow seemed an obvious choice simply because of its size and expansion plans. But to make radical politics work, we need to come up with more than just big=evil! Sometimes the Camp for Climate Action transcended such simple equations, but more often than not it presented itself as a protest for austerity. If the anti-G8 mobilisation in Germany showed anything, it was that protest is not necessarily progressive. Opposition to neoliberal globalisation did not only come from the Left. Anti-consumerist and “Bush go home” slogans were also heard on neo-Nazi marches. The common target on both sides of the political spectrum was the greed of a few causing unemployment, ecological disaster, widespread poverty and imperialist war. The German far Right had mobilised against a profit-driven system run by multinationals, America and Israel. Sound familiar?

Read the magazine here.

By Bill Weinberg, WW4 REPORT

The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy is this month to be released as a book—for which authors John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt are said to have received a $750,000 advance from Farrar, Straus & Giroux. On this occasion, we present again the critique we ran last year of the work as it appeared in Middle East Policy Journal, then the latest version. This time the writer, who used the pseudonym “William X,” reveals himself as WW4 REPORT editor Bill Weinberg.

The lengthy essay entitled “The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy” first appeared in the London Review of Books in March 2006, against a backdrop of fast-escalating carnage in Iraq and renewed Israeli aggression in the Occupied Territories. It immediately sparked an outrage. Here a view long consigned to the left and right fringe—that the Israeli “tail wags the dog” of US foreign policy—was being voiced by thoroughly mainstream scholars. The authors were John Mearsheimer, University of Chicago professor and author of The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, and Stephen Walt, academic dean of Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government and author of Taming American Power: The Global Response to US Primacy. An expanded version was posted on the Working Paper website of the Kennedy School.

By the end of March, Harvard had announced it was removing its logo from the study. It also appended a harshly worded disclaimer to the study, stating that it “does not necessarily” reflect the views of the university. The semi-retraction came after much protest from both the mainstream and Jewish press. Finally, the Kennedy School announced that Walt would step down as academic dean at the end of June, although he would stay on as a professor.

Yet a third version of “The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy” appears in the Fall 2006 issue of the journal Middle East Policy, this time with additional material addressing the criticisms. In the introduction, the authors state they are also preparing a detailed “Response to Our Critics,” adding that they have been “struck by how weak and ill-founded” many of the criticisms have been.

What Mearsheimer and Walt (hereafter M&W) refer to as “the lobby” is not only the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), but a wider ideological complex of allied organizations, prominently including the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting (CAMERA), and the Israel on Campus Coalition

The controversy around the essay indicates how nearly all ideological struggle is narrowing to a clash of conservatisms. The opposition to M&W has come overwhelmingly from the Zionist right, which holds the upper hand in the Bush administration. M&W themselves subscribe to an American nationalist right position with overtones of xenophobia and (however much the charge has been abused) anti-Semitism. Ominously, even the anti-war “left” is increasingly lining up with the latter conservatism. There has been practically no effort to critique the essay from a position which is anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist, but also sensitive to anti-Semitism. The degree to which such perspectives have been sidelined is especially dangerous given how Israel replicates the historical cycles of Jewish scapegoating by serving as imperialism’s proxy.

What follows is an attempt to respond to “The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy” from a position which cuts slack neither for Israel’s real crimes, nor for US “foreign policy” (read: imperialism), nor for anti-Semitism, conscious or implicit.

Read the article here

The Abraham Lincoln Brigades Archive is an expansive research site documenting the history of the ALB’s contribution to the anti-fascist struggle of the Spanish Civil War.

From their website:

The veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade were courageous men and women who participated in the Spanish Civil War in the fight against fascist aggression in Europe. In 1979, together with academic scholars, writers, filmmakers and cultural workers, the veterans established ALBA to awaken public consciousness to historical issues of the 20th century that are rarely presented in secondary and higher education curricula in the United States.

Through its continually expanding archival collections in exhibitions, educational programs, publications, and performances, ALBA preserves the legacy of activism and commitment as an inspiration for present and future generations in working effectively toward a better and more just society.

This, the ALBA website, is fast becoming the leading web resource of information on the Spanish Civil War and its legacy, and the relationship of the importance of historical principals of individual dedication to social justice in today’s society. So take a look, join our Listserve, study our education modules, keep abreast of the latest news and events. Back issues of The Volunteer, ALBA’s award-winning quarterly news journal, are online and available for your information and education.

Included on this website is also a section about Jewish Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War.

Haaretz
By Benjamin Weinthal

The square in the former East Berlin named for Rosa Luxemburg, the Polish Jewish social revolutionary who was murdered by right-wing extremists in 1919, served as my introduction to the pro-Israel left in Germany. After moving to Berlin in 2002, I attended a May 1 demonstration at Rosa Luxemburg Square. There among maybe a thousand union members and other left-wing activists, I found myself pleasantly ambushed by a group of a dozen or more young people waving massive Israeli flags and buzzing around the demonstrators. This bizarre scene was a cause of cognitive dissonance: Was it possible for there to be left-wing, non-Jewish Germans who were also militant supporters of Israel?

The answer, apparently, is yes, as an astonishing thing has happened in the leftist political and intellectual culture of Germany. Though the left here, as in the rest of Western Europe, continues to be overwhelmingly anti-Israel, one can now point to a slice of the German left that identifies itself as pro-Israel and is creating a flourishing anti-anti-Zionist leftist culture.
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